After the collapse of the republican regime, the biggest concern of neighboring countries and even the world was the activity of foreign armed groups against other countries from Afghan soil; an unfounded concern that was the result of extensive propaganda by the occupiers and their mercenaries during the twenty years of the republic.
Since the new government came into power, although this flimsy lie collapsed and the truth hidden amidst the propaganda of the enemies of this nation became clear, sometimes, despite the absence of any proof or evidence, such accusations are still raised against the new government by certain circles in order to achieve their evil desires.
But the question is, by whom and with what purpose are the ridiculous claims of a threat from Afghan soil being disseminated? The question addressed in this article.
Without a doubt, the new government has proven, not in words but in actions, that Afghanistan is a completely safe country. Just as people live peacefully under the security and tranquility that has been established, neighboring countries will also face no danger from Afghanistan.
This very fact led to most of Afghanistan’s neighbors accepting the reality in the country after not too long and taking steps toward interaction, communication, and cooperation with the new Afghan government.
In the meantime, only Tajikistan preferred rumors to truth and delayed establishing relations with the new Afghan government; an action that is now showing signs of change, such as the recent visit of the Balkh governor to Tajikistan; a visit that is considered a serious warning to the opponents of the new Afghan government.
Now that the process of interaction between the new Afghan government and regional countries, including Tajikistan, has accelerated, some figures associated with the former regime who are concerned about this process are trying to question the legitimacy of the new government by reviving old and repetitive narratives of “insecurity in Afghanistan.” These individuals include figures like Zahir Aghbar, the ambassador of the former republic regime to Tajikistan, and a close associate of what is called the “Resistance Front.”
In an indirect reaction to the governor of Balkh’s recent trip to Tajikistan and the increase in official contacts between the two countries, Aghbar recently cited statements by the deputy secretary of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and attempted to express concerns about security threats from Afghan soil thru his words.
Now that, in light of the Islamic Emirate’s realistic policies, many countries in the region and beyond have accepted the reality of security, stability, and the new order in Afghanistan, people like Aghbar find themselves in a position where they have neither an official position nor a popular base. In such a situation, clinging to concepts like “regional threats” is merely an attempt to preserve political survival and attract the attention of foreign circles that previously supported them.
Aghbar’s claim of a threat from Afghan soil is blatantly contradicted by his own admission that members of the same Collective Security Treaty Organization have established official relations with the Emirate.
How is it truly possible for a country they consider a “source of threat” to be diplomatically recognized and for their embassies to be placed at the disposal of the current government? This contradiction not only reveals a weakness in his argument but also exposes his hidden agenda: maintaining the title of former ambassador, keeping a foothold in foreign media, and attempting to attract financial contributions under the slogan of “fighting insecurity.”
The reality is that today, unlike in the past, Afghanistan is not only free of the presence of foreign armed forces but, as a result of sound security policies, is also free from any threat against neighboring countries. This has led many member countries of regional organizations like Shanghai and the Collective Security Treaty Organization to gradually move toward constructive engagement with the new Afghan government.
Tajikistan’s willingness to engage stems primarily from its understanding of the region’s new realities. Dushanbe knows well that Afghanistan today is no longer a battleground for foreign powers but an independent country seeking balanced relations, economic cooperation, and border stability. Therefore, continuing hostile stances based on historical analyzes is neither in the interest of Tajikistan nor any other country in the region.
But for figures like Aghbar, whose entire political identity is tied to the republican era, accepting this reality is difficult. They know that with the expansion of official relations between the new Afghan government and Tajikistan, their last political refuge will also disappear. Therefore, they resort to their usual tactic, which is “painting a bleak picture of Afghanistan’s security.”
However, what is seen in practice is something else: security is established throughout the country, foreign relations are expanding, and public opinion in the region no longer believes in fabricated narratives like those of Aghbar.
In conclusion, it can be said that Aghbar’s appearance and his like-minded associates, by insisting on the narrative of insecurity, are trying to preserve the “lost positions” in the form of their self-proclaimed ambassador or representative of the puppet resistance front. However, the true flow of regional politics is taking a different path; a path built on reality, interaction, and mutual respect, and the same path that Tajikistan will inevitably have to follow sooner or later.
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